• The Young Captive of the Pathet Lao

    by V. Souvannavong

     

    Illustrated by Suthihac CAThi

    Translated by Judith Ogus

    Edited by Sidney Hollister

    © V. Souvannavong

    “To cut loose from a life which seems to be going unusually badly, and to sacrifice for this one’s own locality, one’s beloved domestic nest, can only be done by an exceptional human being, a hero . . .”                           

    p.4 Sakhalin Island, Anton Chekov

  • About

     

    In September of 1975, communist forces arrested fifteen-year-old V. Souvannavong and sent her to a series of prisons and reeducation camps. The latter, known as “seminaries,” were facsimiles of Soviet and Chinese forced labor camps based on the notion of “reform through labor.” Ms. Souvannavong survived over three years in the Lao Gulag, where many others died from starvation, lack of hygiene or medical care, or, shear brutality. The Young Captive of the Pathet Lao is a memoir of her 1139 days of suffering and her subsequent escape across the Mekong River to a refugee camp in Thailand. It has been published in Lao, Italian and French and now, I have translated it into English.

     

    In 1968, I had the honor of being hosted as a foreign exchange student by Bong Souvannavong, V.'s uncle and a renowned Lao political figure who perished in the same camp as members of the royal family. I am invested in finding a publisher for the English version of this story. My hope is not only to introduce the Souvannavong spirit to the world beyond the borders of Laos, but also to shed light on some of the conditions that force refugees to flee their beloved homelands.

                    

                    

                      —— Judith Ogus

  • Sample Chapters from the Memoir

     

    V

     

    How Camp Life Evolved

     

    Our lives in the camp were totally cut off from the rest of the world. No commercial airliners flew in the skies above Phong-Saly; no one penetrated this region.

     

    We were told we could send letters to our immediate family with special permission from the authorities, but only under certain conditions:

    — the text could be no longer than four or five lines

    — it had to adhere to the following structure: “Dear brother, sister, father, mother husband, wife . . . I am well, do not worry. After my reeducation, I will return to contribute to the country’s progress.” Or: “Can you please send me medication, cigarettes, warm clothes, a blanket, soap, sugar, salt, etc.”

     

    During the evening assemblies, the Pathet Lao starting spouting new political concepts; our presence in the camp was justified ad nauseam: “The Party and the State (the new institution) did not want to bring you here, it’s your own fault that you are here . . . You must stay calm, adhere to our laws and believe in the actions conducted by the Party and the State.”

     

    In addition:

    “You must acquire new ideas. When you become progressive, you will do this . . . you will understand that . . . you will participate in the peoples’ revolution.”

     

    Along with being forced to listen to the official discourse, everything we said was scrutinized more carefully, even requests to the guards when we needed something. The tiniest deviation from proscribed behavior was judged “anti-Party, anti-State.”

     

    The group leaders and their assistants had to prove that they were the eyes and ears of the Ai-nong (young cadres, many still school aged), who frequently tested our obedience by provoking us. For example, the Ai-nong would say, “We didn't force you to come here, it's your own fault you are here.”

     

    One day during a seminar, Mr. Pho could not contain his anger any longer and revolted; he dared to refute the Ai-nong’s accusations. His retribution was to be bound in chains in the isolation hut on the hill for two years. He did not have the fortitude to endure this torture and tried to escape. The Pathet Lao captured and shot him immediately, then dragged him from the hill down into the camp and left his corpse to decay right under our noses, his intestines spilling out of his stomach covered with filth. The spectacle of his decomposing body horrified us; we could only pray that his soul had finally been released from this living hell.

     

    Other prisoners were also sent to the isolation hut, their punishment often based on the scantiest rumor that they had expressed a desire to escape.

    Little by little, disease started to spread among the prison population. First, malaria afflicted the older prisoners; they vomited frequently and had trouble moving about. The bitterly cold climate was trying; we were not allowed to light fires for warmth despite the abundance of firewood that surrounded us.

     

    One way the authorities tested the reform of our attitudes was by subjecting us to progressively cruel abuse. One day they added bran to our sticky rice, the next they cooked it with too much water, the next day, it was burned. It was imperative that we not react. Sometimes they cooked the leaves of the “phousi” tree instead of vegetables, which gave many of us violent stomach aches. Other times they prepared a soup base with the herb totan (the herb of the revolution) which grew in abundance in the humid environment of Phong-Saly. This herb causes nausea and head aches.

     

    One morning, the guards realized that there had been another escape attempt. A single prisoner had taken a chance and fled. During the assembly, the escapee’s cabin mate was forced to identify himself and come forward out of the line. He was accused of not sounding the alarm, his ankles were chained, his wrists handcuffed, and he was led to the torture hut.

     

    The fugitive was caught right away. His corpse was brought to camp and left where we assembled for the next two days. We were lectured about how these escape attempts were hindering our progress and were asked to express our opinions about them. No one dared to voice their feelings of sympathy or their desire to revolt.

     

    As our rations continued to dwindle, we were told that we had to share the fate of the people, who also were lacking food. Meat disappeared. Once a month we received a tiny piece of pork or beef. Other days we had nothing but vegetable broth with a small amount of salt and, in principle, 250 grams of rice. The reality was a much more meager amount. Many of us developed swellings in our limbs as a result of a deprivation of salt. Deaths from hunger and lack of medication multiplied. The population in the little cemetery increased day by day. Every six months we received a “special ration,” that consisted of a cup of sugar, a bar of soap (which, alas, was used up much too fast), a blue outfit that was brightened up by a yellow square in the middle of the back. (We interpreted this fashion statement as a ruse to turn us into easy targets). The lack of hygiene, underwear and a means to wash ourselves resulted in the proliferation of all kinds of skin diseases (hives, scabies, etc.). The smokers had to resort to smoking dried elephant ear herb once they consumed the three cigarettes they were granted. They prolonged the pleasure of real cigarettes by smoking the butts in a shared water pipe.

     

    Waiting

    As the months went by, many of the surrounding hills were deforested by our work: we had to cut down trees, saw wood, and build cabins. It was the guards’ whim that the female prisoners assume the task of weeding.

    One day, in the midst of this drudgery, I found some burned papers mixed in with the garbage. They were our letters—that had never left the camp. After having read them, the soldiers destroyed them.

     

    We also had to collect water to irrigate the vegetable gardens, a tiresome task because we had to repeatedly climb down a steep slope in our bare feet, then back up again with the filled buckets. The vegetables were abundant thanks to the local climate. The yield per prisoner must have been about five hundred kilos each season. Everything had to be weighed and given to the authorities. We were strictly forbidden to eat anything that we harvested.

     

    Students and Foreign Prisoners

    In addition to the Laotians in our camp, there were nine Thai, twenty Vietnamese and one Frenchman.

    One day during one of the assemblies, an officer declared, “The students and foreigners, just like the Laotians, must follow camp regulations. They must transform their ideologies to match those of the regime. They eat the rice of the people, the party and the State, and breathe Laotian air, so they must adapt themselves to the new regime, to “Socialism.”

     

    In mid-April of 1976, before the festival of Koutsongkane, the prisoners received orders to build a lot of new cabins in our camp in a very short time. At first, we thought they were for us since no one gave us any explanation for the rush. One afternoon, about a week later, a helicopter flew over our camp. An hour later a military truck arrived with five manacled young men. Despite the rules, word got around camp and we learned from the new prisoners that there were significant political upheavals in Luang Prabang, the Royal Capital of Laos. These young men, from ages twenty to twenty-seven, were from the Normal School and included MM. Houm Phéng, Houm Phan, Sone, Wad, and Houm Phèng. They had organized a demonstration calling for the restoration of student scholarships. They were arrested, along with numerous other male and female students, some of whom were released and some imprisoned.

     

    A little while later more students arrived at our camp by plane, as did several more, small groups in the following weeks.

    One day I saw a young man get out of a truck with his legs encumbered by iron rings that encircled his ankles; the rings were attached by a metal bar. He hopped forward with difficulty. I learned that his name was Sichan and that he also was from the Normal School.

    About thirty students from Luang Prabang were imprisoned to be reeducated. They were accused of harboring anti-Party sentiments and opposing the Lao Peoples’ Revolution.

     

    There was a reorganization after their arrival. New leaders and deputies were chosen from among the students to head teams, each with about a dozen members. They shared the camp routine with us. None had had time to collect civilian clothes when they were arrested and still wore their uniforms from the Normal School.

     

    These students had no idea how long they would be staying at Camp Phong-Saly; they didn’t even know where they were geographically, nor did their families have any idea where they were. Most of them were school-aged, very young. In the beginning, they demanded to know why they had been arrested and protested their imprisonment. It did not take long for them to acknowledge that a great abyss separated their conception of democracy and the reality of their situation. Like the rest of us, they had to endure the ordeal of brain washing by the Pathet Lao.

     

    Illnesses in the Camp

    Medical care in the camp was ineffective. There were neither competent doctors nor medications to counter the variety of ailments that afflicted the prisoners. We didn’t even have vitamins or basic analgesics at our disposal to treat stomach aches or other kinds of pain. We were malnourished and our rations were diminishing. Manioc, corn, and sweet potatoes were mixed with rice and the portions of rice decreased everyday. No one had the strength to combat disease. Female prisoners were slow to recover; male prisoners got progressively weaker. Malaria spread rampantly. Many of us suffered from nausea and had great difficulty walking. When it was time to move from one place to another, the healthier prisoners carried the disabled ones on their backs. The lack of medication resulted in more deaths. We felt horrible about our inability to relieve the suffering of those afflicted with disease. We had to stand in line to receive medical care. Priority was given to those who were more gravely ill. Patients in critical condition stayed in the infirmary, which only had two beds. One prisoner, named Maha Southi was authorized to prepare traditional remedies, and so was allowed to leave camp to look for medicinal plants. He was also allowed to live in the infirmary to take care of the patients.

     

    Hunger

    As my years of detention progressed, I became more and more proficient at discerning prisoners who had been transformed by persistent hunger. Our food consumption was limited to meager rations. Though we were forbidden from gleaning fruit that had fallen from trees in the forest, a few prisoners couldn’t resist picking herbs or leaves on the way to their daily work assignments. They picked and hid edible buds when the guards weren’t looking. For many of us, hunger superseded honor. Some stole corn, tender manioc leaves or vegetables that they ate raw and unwashed—risking either stomach aches, severe punishment or both. They could not master hunger. Every grain of salt, every grain of rice that we tasted was not only precious because it yielded flavor and something to eat, but also because it affirmed that we were still alive.

     

    These scant herbs, buds and leaves seemed delicious to us. Insects, frogs, mice and rats had become delicacies of choice. Now and then we were served dog meat, which the practicing Buddhists among us refused to eat no matter how hungry they were. They abstained and ate only vegetables. According to Buddha, dog is one of ten meats that one is not supposed to consume. Every now and then these servings of dog were accompanied with the following commentary from the Pathet Lao: “Eating dog meat will make you progressive.”

     

    The Outside World

    We had asked for permission to write to our families and we had written and written. Our efforts were in vain; no responses ever arrived. We were isolated from the outside world, without newspapers and of course without radios. All we could see were walls and hedges. When night fell, we slept.

     

    Now and then a military plane flew over the camp giving us a glimmer of hope, as though we were about to receive some news, some relief from our onerous lives. We were so weak that working caused physical pain. Hunger seemed to be gaining ground. The lack of clothes and feminine supplies was harder to bear as time went on.

     

    The fact that we were not allowed to communicate among ourselves about anything other than revolutionary ideas made each of us feel trapped and isolated. We all waited in vain for some word from the outside or from loved ones. Those with family responsibilities wondered how their relatives could survive in the current state of revolution in Laos. Who was taking care of the elderly? of the children? of the rice fields? etc.? Anxiety was undermining us.

     

    In Memory of our Friend Phaï, Who Died for Nothing

    Work proceeded. Everyone had to follow orders. One day, while we were clearing a nearby forest, a tragedy unfolded for one of our fellow prisoners, M. Phaï. The poor man was crushed by a falling tree and gravely wounded. He was left to suffer without care in the infirmary. By the end of the day Death had finished its work. This loss upset us deeply. His funeral proceeded with all the fanfare of a routine exercise, treated in the same desultory manner as his accident and death. His corpse was wrapped in a sheet of black plastic provided by the camp authorities. His hands and feet were tied to a log cut from a chestnut tree and three or four prisoners carried him to a place in the forest that served as a cemetery, not too far from camp. No goodbye, no ceremony, no bereavement. For Laotians, this kind of neglect would have been inconceivable in ordinary times. Many years later, I still ask myself about the distribution of plastic sheeting to such a remote location in Laos. The authorities must have anticipated frequent deaths in the camps, since they had organized the distribution of these ignoble shrouds.

     

    How many decades will have to pass before the truth about what really went on in Laos after 1975 will be acknowledged?

     

    . . .

     

     

     

    VI

     

    Ideology Gives Way to Brutality

     

    Time passed. Chestnuts fell in the forests close to camp. We gathered them surreptitiously, risking severe punishment from the soldiers who guarded us nonstop. Gleaning food was absolutely forbidden. More and more prisoners were weakened by the lack of nutritious food, more and more succumbed to fevers and because of the lack of hygiene, more succumbed to skin diseases. The lack of information about our country, the lack of basic freedoms, and the desperate need for hope encouraged more prisoners to risk their lives and try to escape.

     

    After the first escape attempts, which had resulted in two executions and two prisoners being enchained in the punishment hut indefinitely, acts of brutality became more rampant. Soldiers wielded savage cruelty with increased fervor. I can testify to having witnessed numerous scenes where we were desperate help, to intercede in some way, but were prohibited. Fugitives were tied to posts and beaten to death, struck on the head and top of the body with metal pipes. The executions were not the soldiers’ ideas; they were ordered by camp leaders who were trying to demonstrate their supreme control over us. This slaughter could be brief or prolonged. It would not stop until the victim’s cervical vertebrae broke and his head either dropped down to his shoulder or flipped back. It was a terrifying, sadistic scene of butchery accompanied by agonized screams of pain and anguish, screams that echoed back to us through the valley. Petrified with horror and fear, we were forced to watch these murders from a short distance away and under close surveillance by the guards until they ordered us to gather around the bloody corpse. We were forced to look at the ghastly spectacle of the victim’s crushed skull and swollen face. Then, according to the protocols of reeducation, the camp leaders demanded that we express our opinions about the punishment inflicted on these fugitives. For our own safety, we had to stay cool, respond with sangfroid and not express the slightest bit of sympathy. Finally, the bodies were carried to the cemetery. Given my young age at the time, these executions left me with an indelible memory. Even fifteen years later, the simple act of evoking them plunges me into a profound state of anxiety. I will never forget the faces of our torturers, those whose job it was to indoctrinate us with an ideology that would put our country on the path to “well being and happiness.”

     

    I also bore witness to an event that concerned me personally and will haunt me till the end of my days. At Samkhé prison, I caught sight of my cousin, Ith. We were related on my mother’s side. He was already about thirty years old. A little while after I arrived at the camp, I discovered that he too had been transferred there. He recognized me one day and, though it was forbidden for men and women to communicate, he succeeded in contacting me several times. We agreed never to reveal our family bond to avoid exacerbating our situation.

     

    No matter how dire the circumstances, humans are inclined to keep their senses of humor and curiosity, so naturally our compatriots suspected we were lovers and teased us about our affection for each other. The jokes they shared drew the attention of the guards, who also joined in the fun, though they never caught us in the act thanks to all the ingenious ways Ith came up with for us to communicate.

     

    One day I heard a rumor that made my blood run cold. Word was that Ith had escaped, and in fact I never saw him again. Sometime later, just after a patrol of soldiers returned to camp, one of the leaders came toward our hut and right up to me. He showed me some sort of package wrapped in fabric, and said, “I have a present for you,” as he removed the cloth and handed me two human ears, still covered in fresh blood. I was horrified to recognize that these were my cousin Ith’s ears. The captain cackled in his sinister manner and stomped off. That evening, the same sadistic captain had impaled the two ears on his baton and pointing it at a group of prisoners he warned, “This is an example; we spare no one. You will no longer be executed with bullets.”

    I never learned how my cousin suffered during his execution. or what sort of torture he had to endure. We had no other option than to pray for his soul, to be thankful that he was now far away from suffering, in eternal peace. This tragedy plunged me into an even deeper depression. It was the cause of yet another both mysterious and miserable event that I will return to later. To this day, so many years later, I still feel something akin to an electric shock when I am shopping for food and pass by a butcher’s window display.

     

     

  • broken image

    1968: From top left: Toun, Oui, Bong Souvannavong, myself, Nang Boualay Keolouangkhot (Bong's wife), Ep (deceased), La, and 2 more Souvannavong sisters, front row - Toun's daughters.

  • Introduction by the Translator

    Translation, an Homage to the Souvannavong Family

     

    It is 1968. I am one of five American Field Service (AFS)1 students chosen to live in Laos for the summer and the third to stay with the family of Bong Souvannavong, a former member of the king’s council and prominent centrist in Lao politics. America is not only entrenched in the Vietnam War, but is also carrying out a covert bombing campaign over the Ho Chi Minh trail, which is used by the Viet Cong to transport soldiers and munitions from the north through southern Laos to South Vietnam. This relentless campaign will become the heaviest in the history of mankind, dropping 2 million tons of ordnance over a nine-year period, roughly one sortie every 8 minutes.2 Though my parents have no idea they are sending their 16-year-old daughter into an active war zone, my mother’s instincts are accurate when she returns home from dropping me at the airport and asks herself, “What have I done?”

     

    The Souvannavong family welcomes me into their home. It is monsoon season and afternoon downpours sweep fish from a pond in back of their house, through the back door, into the basement and out the front. We put up nets to prevent their escape. I am utterly delighted by this effort which introduces me to life in Vientiane. I am too ill-informed to imagine that communists will one day overpower this city.

     

    As soon as I can be fitted with traditional Lao formal wear—a green silk sin3 and sleeveless white blouse—my arrival is celebrated with a traditional soukhouan (good luck) ceremony. Friends and members of the extended Souvannavong family and sit on the floor, encircling an ornately hammered silver vase filled with sprays of white gladiolas reaching skyward like uplifted arms. This centerpiece is strewn with bracelet-length white strings. I am the guest of honor and sit opposite a priest whose prayer calls forth benevolent spirits, imbuing every string with good luck. At the end of his prayer, he ties one of these strings around my wrist. As he does, each person touches the person in front of him or her, forming a chain of good luck that flows from me to them as the string is tied. The remaining strings are passed around so that everyone can tie filaments of good luck around each other’s wrists. The tradition is to wear the strings until they fall off, the good luck and bounty of sharing thus remain with the wearer long after the ceremony’s end.

     

    The women in the house eat in the kitchen sitting on the floor or on low stools. Now and then Bong has me eat with him at a table in a large dining area. He speaks French to me, teaches me about Buddhism and Lao culture. I try to take it in. I listen and ask questions. My French is imperfect and sometimes it is as though we speak through a layer of fog. I feel frustrated and let things drift by that I never comprehend. In spite of this, Bong becomes a father-figure for me. I address him as Nya Poh (father). I feel an affinity with him, maybe because we are both dreamers. Sometimes I talk to him about the U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War, how I think it is unjust. He says, “This is what must happen now. This is part of human growth and evolution.”

     

    Vientiane remains a peaceful city. Bong takes me everywhere—even to meet the mayor of a small communist village. We shake hands. The mayor has a begrudging look on his face and turns away from me quickly. Bong regards us, grinning, as though this is some sort of detent. When we return to Vientiane, USIS (United States Information Service) calls me into their office. A rare Lao-speaking American bureaucrat threatens to send me home if I ever do such a thing again. I smile innocently, cannot take this threat seriously. I try to explain to him that I never know what a day’s adventure will entail. My Lao is limited to, Yak kin baw? (Are you hungry?); Yak kin nam baw? (Are you thirsty?); Bo Pinyang! (Everything’s okay, it doesn’t matter). The latter exemplifies an apparent national attitude of acceptance, an attitude I take on during my ten weeks of living there and welcome every new adventure. Some mornings, my Lao sisters take me to a local Chinese restaurant where we eat soup for breakfast. Ep, the middle sister, douses hers with hot chili powder. Other mornings, we snack on steamed pastries sold by street vendors. Afterward various family members pile into the Mercedes and we take off. I never know if we are going to the family farm, to a wedding, a funeral, the wat (temple), the market or to give alms to Buddhist monks. It is customary for all Lao boys to spend some time studying in a Buddhist monastery. They rely on donations for their sustenance. Some mornings, the women of our household rise with the sun and go kneel on mats in the street. As the monks pass by, we hand them sticky rice from woven bamboo baskets. Wherever we go, I observe what I can, am polite and try to behave according to Lao mores.

     

    One day in late July, we fly to Luang Prabang to attend the royal wedding of Princess Ratsami Boyon and Prince Si Savang. Nya Mae, my Lao mother, pulls my hair into a tight bun. Dressed in a beautiful lavender striped silk sin, pink silk blouse, and lavender over-the-shoulder scarf, I am honored to be in the wedding procession. Once in the palace, we must kneel low to keep our heads lower than any elders or high-ranking members of the government or royal family, then sit on the floor as the wedding, also based on the soukhouan model, proceeds. The princes and princess are strewn with gold.

     

    Back at home, Nya Mae takes me shopping at Talat Sao, the open market, where she and the merchants bargain with good humor. She teaches me to cook Lao food, to speak a few Lao phrases. One night I stay up all night with her and my Lao sisters, chopping bamboo shoots and soaking them in brine to preserve them for the coming year. Bong watches over us, drinking whisky, pontificating. The vehemence of his words makes me wonder what he is saying. Now, as I read Lao history, read how complex and tenuous the political situation was while I was there, I can only imagine what fueled his rant. His eldest son is a communist while Bong is a centrist. By 1968 Laos was free from the clutches of French imperialism, but subject to the influences of North Vietnamese communism, and the West’s terror of it spreading. Those high in Lao government had fractured into three groups: the leftist Pathet Lao, royalists, and centrists, who want a coalition government. Bong wants to base Lao governance on Buddhism (as does King Sri Savang Vatthana). He gives me a treatise he has written, Doctrine Lao ou Socialisme Dhammique (Sangkhom Dhammadhipatal) pour l’instauration de la PAIX. (A Lao Doctrine of Buddhist Socialism for the Establishment of Peace). It is described as “obscure” and “impractical,” and Bong as “idiosyncratic,”4 a dreamer in his beloved country, the Land of a Million Elephants.5 To me, he is a special person, a man of peace, a generous man who wants to share his own culture with people all over the world. He is educated, wants his family to be international and speaks with pride of his Japanese daughter-in-law, of the three foreign exchange students he has hosted, and of the couple from the Kha mountain tribe who live in his household and exchange work for reading lessons. Bong starts scouting in Laos and builds a cultural school to preserve traditional Lao music and dance. He holds many positions in the Lao Education system, is both a member of the King’s Council6 and holds administrative positions in Vientiane. His party, Lao Houam Samphan (the National Lao Union Party) won three out of 39 seats during the elections of the National Assembly. Important looking men, some in uniform, some in expensive suits, come and go from our house for informal meetings with him.

     

    Bong sends me to the cultural school, where I learn to play a khen, a bamboo reed instrument, and to perform a Lao song and dance, both of which I teach to the other AFS students. We perform these just before leaving the country. For years after I return home, I pick up the khen and play the two or three songs I remember. As time goes by, dry air cracks the bamboo, the sound becomes reedy, faint. I wrap the instrument in my everyday blue and white sin and put it away somewhere—a place that, over the years, slips my mind. I find it one day while cleaning out my parents’ attic. It has cracked beyond repair and barely makes any sound at all, whispers, sucking my breath away as I blow into its port.

     

    When I return to the United States and navigate the halls of my high school, boisterous students smash into me as they rush to class. They shout and gesture crudely to each other; they have no notion of personal space. Having become used to the quiet politeness of the Lao people and the mutual respect they show one another, I experience a visceral culture shock.

     

    At first, I write frequently to the Souvannavong family in my stilted French. I ask for and send photos. I go to college. My life takes some unexpected turns. I start working in theater, I discover I am gay. I stop writing to Bong. I struggle with my choices. In 1975, I move from New York to San Francisco, where I live in the tenderloin—it is the only place noisy enough to replicate the sounds of New York, the only place I can sleep. I do not know that while I am making props for the American Conservatory Theater and studying mime, Bong is languishing in the Lao gulag where he and his fellow citizens are brainwashed, starved, and expected to denounce one another for the sake of “the party.”

     

    It is 1976. When I walk home from the theater at night, I see Lao women in the streets, recognizable by their wrap-around skirts of patterned cotton cloth. Why are they here? I am unaware that these are Hmong refugees from Northern Laos, people who had assisted the CIA in its battle against the Vietcong. The women search through garbage, collecting bottles and cans. Seeing them like—in these dirty streets, in a neighborhood of ill repute, their colorful clothes muddied by the sickly orange glow of riot lights7—breaks my heart. I imagine them back in Laos, sitting on earthen floors, folding banana leaves around offerings to ancestors, chatting and laughing and chewing betel nuts, their lips and teeth red-stained, floral decorated spittoons at their feet.

     

    I write to the State Department, tell them that I was an AFS student who lived with Bong Souvannavong. I ask for any information they might have about him. They send back a curt, one page letter: Bong died in prison; Nya Mae also died. The children are scattered around the world. The U.S. no longer has relations with Laos.

     

    I discover that a woman in my mime class teaches English as a Second Language. She tells me there are several Lao men in her class, men who held some rank in Laos before fleeing. I ask her to inquire whether any of them know any detail about the fate of Bong Souvannavong. The following week she tells me this: Bong’s own son imprisoned him and sent him to a “reeducation camp.” The camp was ransacked, allowing prisoners to escape. Bong chose to stay, saying, “This is where I am meant to be right now.” Maybe this is what Grant Evans, a scholar of Lao history, means when he calls Bong idiosyncratic; he adheres so much to his Buddhist beliefs that he accepts circumstances from which anyone else would flee.

     

    The day arrives when I am sixty-two—as old as Bong was when he hosted me in Laos. I feel compelled to find out more about him and begin research on the web. I read that the goal of the re-education camps was to break the will of members of the royal family and of centrists like Bong who represented the “old regime.” They were forced to recite phrases like “The Party and Government’s intelligence is clear and bright. All Praise. All Praise. All Praise.” The camp where he died provided no medication, very little food, and forced the prisoners to build their own shelters. The king, queen, crowned prince and Bong, among others, did not survive the horrors of this incarceration. I wonder how Bong died. Was he ill for a prolonged period or did he die suddenly? Did his communist son visit him and encourage him to “reform”? Was he able to write anything or to communicate at all with the outside world?

     

    I find the following post:

     

    “His Excellency Bong Souvannavong He died in December 1978.

    Founding Chairman of the Party ‘Union Lao,’ former President of the Constituent Assembly of 1947, former MP, was arrested in October 1975 in Vientiane and imprisoned in Sam Khe before being sent into the cave-prison Muong Liet and finally to the prison camp 01 November 11, 1977. Until the last moment, his morale had never been lowered, only the body could not follow due to age, lack of food, medicine and freedom of movement. Locked 24/24, starving, skeletal, exhausted, unable to go to the bathroom for a whole week, enemas fortune made by another prisoner allowed him to regain some consciousness before dying three days later, in November 1978.8

    His body is buried in paragraph VH 438-745.”9

     

    How can I express the depth of my grief upon learning how much he suffered, that a man dedicated to global enlightenment perished in the depths of the Lao gulag? I revered Bong as though he was the Dalai Lama. I tried to understand his Buddhist way of thinking, to discern the nuances between acceptance and resignation. The phrase “Until the last moment, his morale had never been lowered” exemplifies him so perfectly, as does the Lao phrase, Bo Pinyang.

     

    Every book I pick up about Laos mentions him. I wonder if any of his thirteen children have followed in his footsteps of working in public service. I wonder whether I could have helped the family in any way if I had stayed in touch with them. The Souvannavongs offered me a life-changing experience, a personal window into their culture, and I feel the need to reciprocate, that I owe a debt to this esteemed and generous family.

     

    The internet provides paths along which I can search for and find my Lao sisters. They relate the tragedy of Bong’s arrest, Nya Mae’s grief and insistence that Bong would return some day, even after his death is confirmed. She believes that he is alive until the day she dies.

     

    One of the sisters tells me that I have a Lao niece, V. Souvannavong, who was a teenage member of Bong’s neutralist Lao Samphouan party. Arrested in 1975 during the demonstrations that took place in protest of Bong’s arrest, she is hauled off to prison, then to a series of “seminaries,” in truth, to the Lao gulag. She writes a memoir in French about her experiences. As soon as I finish reading it, I know this is what I must translate to pay homage to Bong and his entire family, to Vong’s courage, her sense of irony and humor, and to her steadfast determination, all of which exemplify the valiant Souvannavong spirit. I contact her and she agrees to the idea with enthusiasm. We work on the project together for six years.

     

    One theme of V. Souvannavong’s memoir is the contradiction between the innate kindness and generosity of Lao culture and the horrors of Soviet-style concentration camps. Imagine a society in which showing deference is the norm: men cast their eyes to the ground when passing women on the street; young people bow to keep their heads lower than their elders; one never sits with feet pointing at another person because feet are unclean; one never touches another person’s head because heads are sacred; priests lead soukhouan ceremonies for births, marriages, and the arrivals and departures of loved ones. Juxtapose this delicate society to the savage means of punishment invented by Stalin and Mao—forced labor, starvation, arbitrary beatings, brainwashing, mutual denunciation of fellow citizens, even family members. It is too hard to fathom. This is what V. Souvannavong has described to us in detail in The Young Captive, just as Alexander Solshenitzyn did in the Gulag Archipelago and Jean Pasqualini did in Prisoner of Mao. I have written this introduction as a counterpoint to Vong’s descriptions of the grim conditions in Lao labor camps and to try to convey to the reader something about the beauty of Lao society before the communist takeover in 1975. It is my hope that by making Ms. Souvannavong’s words available in English, I will help her generate compassion for people who, for one reason or another, must leave their beloved homelands to seek asylum in foreign countries. I also hope to introduce the Souvannavong family to the world beyond the borders of the Land of a Million Elephants.

     

     

     

    Footnotes

    1. An international youth exchange organization

    2. It is estimated that 30% of the cluster bombs did not detonate and remain a hazard to life and limb in Laos to this day. President Obama pledged $90 million to help Laos clear the remaining anti-personnel cluster bombs.

    3. A loop of silk that reaches just below the knees and is decorated with an ornate embroidered band along the bottom. It wraps around one’s waste, folds over and is closed with a simple hook.

    4. A Short History of Laos by Grant Evans, pg. 100

    5. I recently discovered that Laos is now becoming the fasted growing ivory market in the world, sadly undermining the international effort to stop this illegal trade.

    6. The King’s palace was in Luang Prabang in the north

    7. These were sodium vapor lights that enabled police to see more clearly at night. I believe they came into use during the upheavals of the civil rights and anti-war movements of the 1960s and 70s.

    8. This was included in a list of people who died in Prison Camp Number 01, posted on the online Forum for Lao Solidarity (https://fr.groups.yahoo.com/neo/groups/laos-solidarite/conversations/topics/32763) by Phom Soudhasa, A member of Lao Democracy Activist. 24 - 05 -– 2011 (Note: Is that what the “7” refers to above?)

    9. I believe this refers to a longitude and latitude point.

  • Persona

    broken image

    Bong Souvannavong

    June 8, 1906 - December, 1978

    Founder of the

    Lao Houam Samphan Party

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    His Majesty

    Sri Savang Vatthana

    November 13, 1907 - ?

    King of Laos: 1959 - 1975

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    L-R

    Nang Boualay Keolouangkhot

    My Lao Mother

    Myself, Judith Ogus

    Translator

    The Mayor of Vientiane
    and his wife
    , 1968

    Bong Souvannavong

    My Lao Father

     

     

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